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Musings

Friday, May 28, 2004

Soli Congress

2nd Solidaridad Congress. Gave history. It is the responsibility of the Iskolar ng Bayan to criticize and to fight social ills. Let us mobilize words and send them into battle!

Sunday, May 23, 2004

community integration for CD 100 class: Carahome

This was a reflection paper for a class, I think in 2001 or 2002 when I first shifted to CD.

At first my reaction was one of irritation. I had critiques and concepts to write, assignments to do. I needed the weekend to write, write, and write. Things that I needed to do that weekdays wouldn't spare me the time to do them in. And other things besides. I had learned that we would be going to a Dumagat community for an integration. The previous week I had to skip classes because I had to go to a summit that we had organized for the weekend. The whole affair had me helping conduct workshops, discussions, and conceptualizing and writing for the summit. And so I expected my next weekend to be free, if for no other reason than to relax, or to catch up on unfinished projects. But my CD 100 class, under Ma'am Marion Tan, had other plans. It would now be two weeks straight that I'd be gone from home.

The night before the immersion, I had to go to a party of one of my organizations, one that I haven't been visiting lately, therefore I was obliged. I left early, though, and rushed to Mercury, Philcoa to buy some supplies for the travel on the morrow. When I arrived home, I read for a while, and slept past midnight.
The next morning, Saturday, had my CD 100 class gathered at Jollibee. The usual conversations mixed with the familiar Philcoa sounds from other Jollibee customers and the traffic outside. I bought soap and a can of film.
The trip had the class split into two groups on the first leg. Then we all met and hired a jeep at SM Fairview to Tungkong Mangga. When our guide arrived, I think that was when the journey started for most of us. I had been to these parts before. The road was not so kind, especially to the ones hanging at the back of the jeepney. But the mood was merry, no sense of foreboding or anything. The trip seemed long, prompting me to joke that the people we were seeking were nomads, and finding them would be 'tyempuhan.'
And we arrived at Carahome. The first thing that struck me was the sense of beauty that a rural scene always evoked in me. We went past this clay road and clay houses (which we later found out were poultry houses). From the more or less decent pavement we realized that we were treading on muddy ground to a small house overlooking a river far below. I thought it would only be a first stop on a longer journey through mountains and rivers. Which was partly true. We had lunch at this house. But before that, we had to fetch water and scout for banana leaves to serve as our communal plate. The meal was nice, coming as it was from our canned goods, along with rice. This was food for the stomach. The situationer was nutrition for a critical and need-to-be-enlightened mind.
To most people, Manny Villar is known for sipag at tiyaga. For our Dumagat community, he is known as a landgrabber. Our hosts narrated how armed guards would harass the community and uproot trees that their master would later be obliged to pay for. They had other stories besides. The Dumagat community had been there before land titles and developers, but their way of life is being threatened by the greediness of those in power. The narrators told us so many things that for me concretized the realities of oppression and social inequality being further widened by those willing to bulldoze the poor person's right to life.
On my part, I chose to listen to the stories of the hosts and my classmates. I consciously avoided talking. I was comfortable observing my classmates emerging to share their initial thoughts on the situation. One mustn't be so ready to contribute one's piece of mind when flowers were starting to bloom. It sounds Zen-like, but I saw leaders coming out of their shell, when in class I thought my role was to animate them to speak their thoughts. I think this has been my philosophy in every class I attend, if I myself had the confidence. Besides, I'd rather keep silent and think. Thinking people, after all, don't talk much.
The class was split into groups, and we had to trek around slippery slopes and a river. My group consisted of five people, and we were settled at Nanay Mina's house. This was a hut that comprised a kitchen and two bedrooms. The other one, basically a bed of bamboo slats, was where five of us slept and ate. Near the house was flowing water and there was a comfort room at the back. It didn't really count as a room, being covered only in plastic and corrugated iron. Despite all, I think it was the best place, for the other groups did not have such amenities. The running water was handy for removing mud from our foot coverings.
Nanay Mina is more than eighty. She remembers her fear of the Japanese during the second world war. Incidentally, our class had Japanese students, Yuka and Emiko. But of course, the war had passed decades ago. She has children and grand-grandchildren. Her son visited on Sunday. She grows her own food around the house. This consisted of gabi, along with rice and corn.
There was not much for an old woman to do. So the Saturday afternoon, our group of integrees went to the river and took a bath. The night was spent with the community elders narrating the Dumagat's situation. I learned a lot but I must confess that I had started to doze off even though the topic was interesting. I'm sure my classmates would be more authoritative in carrying the details. I guess that in the end, the whole class realized the need to struggle and unite with the Dumagat in their plight. Then we had to escort the girls who were housed in the farthest part of the community. And we had to fight the whole way back to our own lodging through mud and bloody bruises. Before going to sleep, however, we told scary stories to each other. I suspect Nanay Mina was kept awake much later than her usual routine.
The next morning had us awake by nine o'clock. Which was very late for Nanay Mina, who had been scouting for our food much earlier than that. We ate, then trekked to the river and four falls (We were teased earlier for rejecting a dare to go down a slope to the falls which some of the girls had gone through). We took some time because the water was fun. I even jumped twice from a high rock to the water below the falls. After that, we had lunch. Then we said goodbye to Nanay Mina and proceeded with the cultural presentations at the central house. The class bid farewell, shot a few photographs and headed home.
I enjoyed the integration, not only for the fun of the falls but also for the things that we learned there. Life is fuller when you realize that theoretical studies have their correspondence in the everyday struggle of everyday people. An intellectual must be kept reminded of the simple things that living in an urban setting often denies. My apologies for not treating this as a longer treatise on the situation of the Dumagat and other oppressed sectors. But the spirit is there. Let me just note that my resolve is further strengthened to continue with the struggle to create a better future, especially for the oppressed and the marginalized in society.

Wednesday, May 12, 2004

NYSS Welcome

This was something I wrote, with notes, for Mong Palatino, then Chairperson of the University Student Council (USC) of UP Diliman at the first ever National Youth and Students Summit in July 2000. It served as welcoming speech for the event. I later found out that some were quoted in various student papers

In behalf of the students and the University Student Council of Diliman, welcome, friends, to the University of the Philippines on this occasion of the National Youth and Students' Summit! We gather here today to share experiences and forge the broadest and strongest unity to ensure the future of the Filipino Youth and Students.
As students of this University, we feel proud that this momentous event is taking place in UP. Choosing UP as the place to carry out this summit for us assumes great meaning. UP is considered a melting pot of ideas and of people. As an institution, the University of the Philippines is widely deemed to be a bastion of scholarly activities, an institution whose ideas and opinions are heard and which sway and influence public opinion. At the same time, UP is also a breeding ground for critical and patriotic scholars of the People.
The University of the Philippines prides itself as an advocate of liberal education, taking in a multitude of ideas with equal acceptance. This, unfortunately, also makes UP a bulwark of reactionary thought. But out of the multitude wallowing in reactionary thought emerge those who are critical and through study aim to serve the people by being active participants in social change.
The course of events in the past years have made UP students aware of the problems besetting the youth and students of today. The recent Budget Cut of the University of the Philippines resulted in the Iskolars ng Bayan braving the streets, culminating on February 14 in Mendiola to assert our rights to higher state subsidy and education for all.
Those hoping to study in this university will have to face the implications of the lower state subsidy for State Colleges and Universities (SCUs) and another impending budget cut, the rationalization or decreasing of the number of State Colleges and Universities under the Long Term Higher Education Development Program (LTHEDP), the Higher Education Modernization Act, the Education 2000 program, and other programs. Because of lesser state subsidy for education, those hoping to study here may be left with no choice but to enter private colleges and universities, where they have to face annual tuition fee increases, or in technical schools, where their skills and talents will be exploited for technical work.
UP is also a testing ground for the government's education programs and projects. UP at present is implementing the Socialized Tuition and Financial Assistance Program (STFAP), a program which aims to democratize access to education, but in reality only serves as a smokescreen for tuition fee increase. We are also facing commercialization issues and the utilization of idled assets.
As you can see, the present deplorable situation of the educational system is also being felt in this university. I'm sure you also have a lot to share in this summit.
It is only befitting that we use this summit to implement our objectives. The following objectives are anticipated to be achieved here.
1. Gather data on the current situation of the youth in schools, communities, fields, and workplaces.
2. Promote common understanding of the current issues confronting the youth amidst the political crisis besetting the Estrada government.
3. Formulate plans of action regarding tuition increase, repression and other pertinent youth issues.
4. Forward outputs to international youth and students formations.

We meet today to forge our unity and strengthen our determination to further our rightful demands and calls. We are confronted by a government perpetrating a moribund system which keeps the state of the youth and students so debased. Those who desire to change the present condition of the educational system must consider sacrifice in changing the whole moribund system we find ourselves in. For is not the sacrifice less degrading than subjection to the endless problems plaguing us? No magic or parlor trick can reconcile the tragic circumstance of the youth and our right to education, to livelihood, land - in short, to life. Unless we act now, the peril of a dark future awaits us. May this summit become a venue to fortify the ranks of the youth and students in the struggle for a future bright. Our part in history will be the struggle for a better society.
Rest assured that the University Student Council, with the students of UP Diliman will maintain campaigns and mobilizations aimed to protect and serve the interests of the youth and the Filipino people.

Again, welcome to the National Youth and Students' Summit! Magandang Araw sa inyong lahat!

(Mong. Pasensiya ka na ulit at di masyadong maayos lalo na sa transition. Mga 3 to 4 minutes ito)


2000 freshman welcoming speech

This was the welcoming speech I wrote for the freshpeople of UP Diliman in 2000, read by the then USC Chair.*

Greetings on a new millennium! Welcome, freshmen, to the University of the Philippines! Magandang umaga sa inyong lahat!

Marahil maraming tanong ang bumabagabag sa inyo ngayon. Mga tanong tulad ng: Ano'ng patutunguhan ng aking kinabukasan? Ano'ng purpose ng buhay ko? Masaya ba ang UP? Tatagal ba ako sa UP? Bakit nabaliw si Rosalinda?
Maraming tanong, trivial man o seryoso, o simpleng nakakatawa. Iba-iba tayo, eh.

But one question will keep coming up during your stay here in UP. And the question is this: What is the essence of being a UP student?
But the thing 'essence' is not a permanent virtue. Essence is dependent on the context, the circumstances surrounding its definition,
Perhaps we could rephrase it a little bit.
In the context of our troubled times, what in essence should a UP student be? Ever since grade school we have been taught that only through hardwork and perseverance will our country move towards progress. That only through prayer, will our people be blessed. But millions of our people do these things everyday yet remain socially marginalized. What we are not taught in schools are the root causes of society's problems, and how reaction preserves the status quo.What we are not taught in schools is the effect of the chronic economic crisis, of the systematic oppression of working people, of the concentration of wealth in a few hands.
In light of such justifications of the status quo, we again ask the question: in the context of our troubled times, what in essence should a UP student be?
Given the present context it becomes clear that in essence a UP student means, first of all, to be critical, to realize that not everything learned in classrooms is a given absolute. It means the comprehension that education is not confined inside the four walls of the classroom, that real learning goes beyond academics. It means to question, and always to question, everything taught to us. Why are most Filipinos mired in poverty? Why is the state of education so abject? To see with open eyes, to feel and criticize without yielding to the dominating powers of the status quo, and to act accordingly and boldly based on what one has seen, on what one has felt in honest observation and contemplation, and to conjure the powers of our specific fields of study in the service of what is good and what is true – this, this is what it means to study in this university.
Upon further stay, you'll also realize that a UP student is, first and foremost, an Iskolar ng Bayan. This means that it is only through the sweat and blood of the Filipino people that each one of us is able to study in this State University. Thus the answer to our question gets nearer.
In the context of our troubled times, what in essence should a UP student be? Upon reflection the answer comes like a revelation. Placed in the context of our troubled times, the essence of being a UP student – is in the spirit of serving the people.
If your ates and kuyas are full of confident optimism for you freshmen, it is because of our faith that the advent of a new millennium has inspired in you the true spirit of being an Iskolar ng Bayan, that is, of serving the people. Historically, UP students have been linked with the basic masses' struggle for a better life. But if you feel that in former troubled times, UP's response was less than satisfactory, then the challenge for your batch is to put former batches to shame, by actively engaging in social change. In this respect, feel free to use the University Student Council's resources. This year's student council aims to revive in UP students the spirit of militant struggle, critical thinking, and the tradition of academic excellence and academic freedom. We long to be one with you in the advancement of student democratic rights and the national and democratic aspirations of the Filipino people.
In behalf of the students of UP Diliman, I hope you enjoy your stay here in UP. Mabuhay ang freshmen! Mabuhay ang mga Iskolar ng Bayan!

A Homily for Peace

As the ghost writer of Mong Palatino (USC-UPD Chair), this was something for the 23rd anniversary of the Parish of the Holy Sacrifice at the UFO-shaped cathedral.


Warmest Greetings on on the 23rd Anniversary of the Parish of the Holy Sacrifice, with the theme Sambayanang Kristiyanong Naglalakbay Tungo sa Kapayapaan. As a Christian, I am deeply honored by the invitation to speak, and humbly come from the University Student Council to be part of this Shared Homily, to talk on Ways of making peace in the country not just an ideal but a reality.
This is an opportune time to talk about peace, we hear from the news that the Estrada government is waging an all-out war in Mindanao, even as it daily wages war on the lives of every Filipino. (pause)
As we ponder today the meaning of peace, we ask what it is that pushes our people to engage in war. As Christians, we have been taught to have a moral imagination – one that enables us to put ourselves in the situation of others, even if at times we consider these others as enemies. This imagination, I believe shall point to us the direction towards peace in the country.
It is said that the most perceptible manifestation of peace is the absence of war. But let us not be deluded by this statement. If the poor man has nothing to eat, then for him there is no peace. If a family has no house for shelter, no home to live in, then for that family there is no peace. If in society there is no social justice, then for our people there is no peace. Thus we can see that the absence of war is a simplistic definition of peace.
But even as we clarify this, it is evident that war is going on. The Mindanao crisis has reached such an intensity and has exacted the heaviest toll on the civilian population. To show the situation in the South, I have taken facts from the Research and Public Information Desk of HALAD-West, a non-government disaster response agency.
According to HALAD-West, "the first wave of hostilities between the government's military forces and the MILF started in the municipality of Carmen, North Cotabato. By March, armed violence broke out in Lanao del Norte after the government forces started attacking MILF formations in the area. Affected as a consequence were the towns of Munai, Pantao Ragat, Matunggao, Baloi, Kauswagan, Linamon, Maigo, Bacolod, Kulambugan, and Sapad all in Lanao del Norte; and some parts of Iligan."
(Look at the audience) You will notice how the names of these places are unfamiliar to us. What I'm trying to show is that the war has a face, that the communities affected are real, that the war in Mindanao has exacted its tolls, as felt by the real victims of war in the affected areas.'
Recent government figures indicate that some 113,706 families have been displaced. Many of these families remain in evacuation centers for fear of violence in their area or because their houses were burned down or destroyed from the AFP's indiscriminate shelling and aerial bombardments. Several towns in Mindanao are now virtual ghost towns. Self-imposed curfews have been adopted. These evacuation camps lack necessary facilities like potable water system, toilets, ventilation, sleeping quarters and beddings, kitchen and utensils. Other problems include shortage of food supplies, overcrowding, and very poor sanitation which poses health risks, especially to the elderly, pregnant women and children. Children have been affected by measles and cholera during their prolonged stay in the evacuation centers. People have also fallen ill due to stomach disorders, skin diseases, and upper respiratory problems such as cough and colds. Incidents of death due to ailments have also been reported.
Compared to the government's billions of pesos resources spent for the war, government agencies have extended only P37M for assistance, mostly relief. No comprehensive plan has been drafted for emergency.
The range of responses from different organizations has not been limited to relief and other assistance. Many organizations and individuals are calling for an end to the war in Mindanao. They have been pointing out the deadly costs of war as a reason to cease fire. Various peace initiatives are calling for, among other things
· A stop to the all-out war in Mindanao, indiscriminate bombings and the formation of vigilante groups
· Immediate resumption of peace talks between the Government of the Republic of the Philippines and rebel forces
· Respect for human rights and observance of international humanitarian conventions
· Relief and rehabilitation of the victims of war, and the provision of state funds for this purpose

I have sketched out the effects of an all-out war. But what we do not see is the daily war being waged on our other people by the government. War is not all about soldiers and rebels, it is not all about military victories and triumphs; it is about people who have nothing to eat. It is about the division of society into classes, and the action of people who are tired of being socially marginalized and who have to fight for their future. War is about the struggle for life, and how to sustain its existence. It is about a government, which should work for the people, but instead is neglecting its responsibility of giving adequate social services and continually burying the Filipino people in deepening poverty by its subservience to foreign economic, political and socio-cultural dominance.
War in our present situation is being worsened by a government which refuses to find the real causes of war and poverty, but instead chooses to divert the attention of the people from its own moribund existence by waging a costly and deadly, but nonetheless showy and with-all-the-effects war.
Solving war means digging up its root causes. The situation justifies us to take sides in the issues of the day. Should we continue supporting a government thirsting for the exercise of martial might? Or do we oppose, and take side for those hungering for a source of life, and of light?
It must now become clear to us that any improvement in the present situation necessarily demands vigorous and passionate struggle. Ang mamamayang naghahangad ng kapayapaan at kinabukasan ay nakikipaglaban upang makamit ito. The voices of people like us who want peace are drowned in the battle cry of those who have an interest in keeping the war going. Thus it is imperative for people who want peace to unite and work for the achievement of just and lasting peace. Ang mamamayang nagkakaisa, makakamit ang hinahangad.
Again, I greet you in behalf of the University Student Council of Diliman on the 23rd Anniversary of the Parish of the Holy Sacrifice. We are also celebrating the University of the Philippines 92nd Foundation Day. May these milestones be venues for the achievement of social change for a just and lasting peace. Mabuhay kayong lahat! Mabuhay ang Sambayanang Pilipinong naghahangad ng Kapayapaan!

Friday, May 07, 2004

draft elect

Draft for a critique on focus on elections.

Moving Philippine society forward needs more than just rocking the vote.

Wednesday, May 05, 2004

isla


This was a long post I gave in the Soli e-group, after a long trip in the Southern Philippines.
*

Going on a long trip alone is bliss. You get to be at home in places where you've never been before. You commune with nature, inhale the various atmospheres of assorted places and you get to discern and appreciate the faces of people of diverse regions. The spectrum of every place dims the gloom of an otherwise lonely predicament. On travel, you get to be in touch with yourself.

Now no words can substitute pictures in your memory, nor can they evoke in others the pristine feeling of moments in awe. At, for example, the lush beauty of Mindanao, of passing through the rolling green hills of Bukidnon, of being amazed at a cave in the middle of the city, of passing through a road that's a mystery. There's nothing like seeing the sun rise in Surigao - and witnessing the same sun set somewhere in the sea, viewed from a RORO boat going to Mindoro. Have you seen the movie "Heaven and Earth?" Well, it looks like Negros when you rush through on a bus, where the rice fields in the movie are replaced with sugarcane leaves waving in the air. At the background are clouds kissing a low mountain. .

Meeting with friends and new people also provide spice. They serve as knowledgeable tour guides for sure, and adds pizzazz to your traveling experience. Plus the enjoyable company - even for a few days or a few hours - gets you going, especially in the metropolitan areas. The feral nightlife in places like Davao and Cebu, and Bacolod would of course not pass without comment.

The customs, the food, the dialects, the church buildings and mosques, even the madness of markets remind you of the cultural richness of your land. You realize that the Philippines is composed of more than 7,100 islands, a diversified array, even if intellectually you grasp its oneness. You also sense your country is a foreign one, even though you know it is home. Being a foreigner who did not speak the local language, I also had fun passing off a few words like pila? (how much?) and a few expressions of apparent acknowledgement. Although, if people asked me directly, I'd draw a blank face, then tell them "Tagalog" and point to myself, haha! People are normally helpful and would extend aid to any direction you ask.

The trip I took was not totally the backpack trekking type where you wander off to places where you don't know people. It's really a load off when you get to be adopted by people you know and trust, even for just a few days.

Ay, I don't want to finish this, I had some fun moments and lasting memories, but it's for me na lang, baka makilala nyo pa pagkatao ko, hehe. I wrote some things in a notebook diary, dun na lang yun, and anyway I promised this to be a commentary on the social aspects. So here goes.

*

On the road, one goes through town after town observing people in their natural settings. It's a separate world that is seemingly unaffected by the imperatives of the political center, metropolitan Manila. Yet to tune in to that world, people get a peek – through media, especially television. And one notices that the news and programs like variety shows and telenovelas, are so far removed, having nothing to do with people's own lives. Now don't get me wrong, I watch variety shows, but I am also aware that these programs serve as escapist entertainment, and function to inculcate the social values of passivity, consumerism, belief in luck and superstition, submissiveness, greed, personal gain and other values that undermine true solidarity. The effect is to distract the masses from things that could maybe negatively affect their lives.

Decisions are made, for example, in the center and people just learn about them – if they ever do. That's actually existing democracy. Representatives are in fact taken from the elite families of each province; the rest of the population only has to grace on one occasion – election time. The rest of the time, it's unwelcome for them to assert themselves, as for example in rallies, derided as a disturbance of the peace - rightly so, but in a different sense. The true mass media serve to reroute people's attention away from reality. If they see too much of it, they might establish in their minds to do something to change it.

*

There are terms in social discourse that are used remotely far from their literal meaning.

We've seen democracy in practice. Take another term: development.

Mindanao is a land of promise. It is also a land bitterly contested by its people on one side and the government and big business on the other. As in the Cordilleras, development means the exploitation of resources by multinational corporations for profit. The benefits are to hulks of ever-increasing power while the costs are to the people living there. These costs are not something like durian, which tastes like heaven and smells like hell. It's just hell. In Mindanao it has meant war, displacement of whole communities, interruption of classes and economic activities, not to mention the trauma in the face of atrocities. While conveniently forwarded as a war against terrorism (another contradictory term), rarely mentioned are the American investments in Mindanao. I don't know the exact figures, but it runs in the hundreds of millions of dollars. In the war recently in the Southern Mindanao territory, a contested area included the Liguasan Marsh, a space of vast natural gas and oil potential. Locals are aware of this factor that's got the AFP and the MILF (which would need the resource in its goal of self-determination) fighting, and yet the general public is ignorant of the fact. It explains the presence of American forces as well.

There's this correlation between massive militarization and "development" projects. Along with national discrimination, the outcome has not been pretty. In the 80s, there were these CIA-created orcs – the vigilantes, Alsa Masa. The sordid details of what they did are just that, too grotesque for words. The pattern is typical – as is the inability to perceive it.



It was all in the name of anti-Muslim and anti-communist insurgency. Military decision-makers never question this basic doctrine, though foot soldiers do ask why. But on the general level, it isn't challenged. It's taken like the rising and setting of the sun - which we know to be an illusion, when seen from a cosmic perspective. It is convenient to have ready-made enemies.



Now take note of that. Communists can be anyone protesting government policies. They can be Church people advocating human rights. So that in the 80s an Italian priest in Kidapawan, Fr. Tullio Favalli, was shot in the head and had his brains eaten, a subject of the movie, Orapronobis. There's no end to such atrocities, but now they're fashionably called terrorists. Just last year, student journalist and human rights advocate Benjaline Hernandez of the CEGP was murdered while investigating harassment of farmers. The convenient excuse was that she was a member of the New People's Army and was shot in combat, even though all the evidence from the Commission on Human Rights points to summary execution.



Now let's look at that term, terrorist. Whatever it may connote, there's a point that has to be made: It's an irony of grand proportions that the war against terror is being carried out by the very perpetrators of terror. Human rights groups claim that the government, with its police, military and other repressive instruments, has been the biggest human rights violator in the country. The conclusion is reinforced by survivors of Martial Law and present human rights victims.

Organizers of progressive groups are constantly harassed and murdered. In Mindoro, people I was honored to have been with during fieldwork, Eddie Gumanoy and Eden Marcellana, peasant leader and human rights activist, were 'salvaged.' Salvaged, no doubt, from their wrong-headed belief in land for the tiller and the right to life.

The atrocities are gravely numerous – in stark contrast to the number of people who protested them, or the cosmetic reaction of the government.

The outcome flows from policies that increasingly militarize society, as seen from the checkpoints going in and out of Cotabato to the entry points to Manila. The alarming trend, say civil libertarians, is also apparent in the revival of a National ID system. The tactic is to whip up fear and anxiety among the population so that people accept what is essentially the encroachment on civil liberties and other democratic rights. The goals are not hard to fathom: it's to keep people in line, to further limit the legal space for the growth of democratic rights, to keep just peace at bay and to prevent independent movements that seek to alleviate the problems of the victims of government policies.

*

The doublespeak is intended to make it hard to find words to describe matters of social import, and is effective in obfuscating reality and understanding that would be instrumental in changing it.

*

Now policies would look like a sequence of confused ideas unless you understand that they're created to press forward the interests of foreign investors and reinforce the classical pattern - a few islands of rich and power amid a sea of poverty and lack of social opportunity. In terms understood by political economists: political and economic power is in the hands of the bourgeois comprador, the landlord class and their foreign masters, while the democratic and progressive classes have to make do with the rest. That's the model for the Third World. This should be lecture one of any honest social science or economics course.

*

Those in power would like it very much for us to just shut up. That's why the frequent cases of violations of freedom of the press, important to keep it in line. That's why unless it's in the form of the corporate media, dissenting opinion would be frowned upon. For now, we're formally democratic, so there's very limited space to maneuver in.

We'd make it very uncomfortable for them if we can't keep our mouths shut, if our creative minds keep flowing freely, and if we keep focusing on matters of social significance. Other ways that we've tried, like establishing an alliance, can aid greatly in social transformation. Things start to change when a group of people with common goals come together, multiply their effectiveness, basically unite and struggle. That's the way things change. Every right we enjoy wasn't given at the beginning of time; they're the amassed outcome of long and hard struggle.

But the thing is that it's got to be sustained and organized. We should argue our differences but keep in mind that there are bigger forces out there that we need to confront and that need our unity.

We shouldn't shun and undermine forms of collective action like rallies. Those in power already recoil from such actions that are left to us. They hate it more if we keep learning, keep organizing and keep doing things for the people in our goal of expanding the arena for freedom of expression and students' and people's rights.

Every wrong, every injustice rightly deserves condemnation, no matter how physically tiring. It should go without saying that we're responsible for our actions and their consequences. So we should be watchful in making, uttering or condoning justifications that entrench those in power, to the detriment of the rest of the people.



We don't really know if what we're doing will stop or even reduce the typhoons that constantly thrash people's lives. We can be certain, though, that doing nothing would guarantee that floods will come, inundating the very world we stood so dearly upon.

The safeguarding of basic rights will not be determined by an oracle, but will be greatly affected by steadfast commitment to the people, critical thinking, and collective action.



Caesar





P.S. Pahabol, you know, we have no architectural tradition. Pagkita mo ng mga bahay parang sinalpak na lang siya at di na talaga plinano, basta may matirhan. Syempre marami pa diskurso dito pero napansin ko lang.

P.P.S. Pansinin nyo pala yung mga ports na pinangalanan ni GMA sa Mama niya, syempre yung Diosdado Macapagal Highway at airport pa. Pati syempre yung P200 bill.

Maganda siya gawan ng article. Mga gumagawa lang nun mga katulad ni Saddam.

Siguro she has to magnify her smallness.





X Wherever you are, make sure you are there – M. Gandhi



X Unity means strength. Division means weakness – Ho Chi Minh



X …and the truth shall set your free – the Christian Bible

oust

This was for a Journalism 109 class under Sir Danilo Arao

Oust: Erap Hurting

Weekday afternoons will find Filipinos glued to television sets watching an event that will

determine the course of Philippine history. The impeachment trial of President Joseph Estrada is the result

of an administration rocked by scandals and controversies produced by accusations of graft, corruption and

mishandling of social policies.

Rallies for and against Estrada flood the streets to air their version in the ongoing drama. Those

against Estrada want him either to resign, be impeached or face ouster. These calls are not really mutually

exclusive.

The Oust Estrada campaign actually began much earlier. Reasons cited by its supporters range

from the Marcos burial outrage, the ratification of the Visiting Forces Agreement, the coddling of cronies,

downgrading labor by favoring big businessmen like Lucio Tan, the war in Mindanao which has exacted an

enormous toll on the civilian population, to the various graft and corrupt practices and the incompetence of

Estrada.

The resign and impeachment calls started to gain force when Ilocos Sur governor Luis "Chavit"

Singson exposed the jueteng scam. This worsened the political crisis that we are now experiencing.

Various moves to remove Estrada from the presidential seat have emerged. First to appear was the

Oust Estrada campaign, which has broadened its base under the Estrada Resign Movement. There is the

Safeguard the Impeachment Process launched in Ateneo by the Kongreso ng Mamamayang Pilipino or

KOMPIL II. There is also the Resign All call by the Sanlakas group.

The Resign All call has been criticized for being divisive and hits the air without hitting anything

at all. Prior to the Oust campaigns, Sanlakas had enunciated pro-Estrada statements. They also proposed

snap elections that known Estrada ally senator Juan Enrile proposed to the public. This was also criticized

for the possibility of it giving Estrada a fresh mandate.

Impeachment is the hottest topic inside households. It is seen by its proponents as a concrete step

towards the realization of the president's removal from office. Because of the impeachment process,

Estrada might see the light of day and resign. It is a legal process that would at the very least humble the

president and force him to reform.

But there are many who think Estrada will not resign or will not be impeached. Thus the Oust

campaign is a very valid option for its proponents. If Estrada will not be impeached and will not resign,

then people can still assert their discontent with Erap's incompetence and force him out of office.

Since the impeachment process is currently the most popular show, understanding some of its

basics is in order.

When Estrada assumed power, his inaugural speech promise was that there would be no favoritism

and coddling of relatives and cronies in his administration. People took that to heart. Estrada is now being

impeached because he violated his promise to the Filipino people. His combative attitude worsened an all-

out war in Mindanao that drained the national coffers. Estrada's moral mandate is also being questioned,

aside from his impeachable offenses, for his keeping various mistresses and chauvinistic attitude towards

women.

The four articles of the impeachment against Estrada include his committing bribery, graft and

corrupt practices, betrayal of public trust, and culpable violation of the Constitution.

In Article I of the impeachment complaint, Estrada is accused of receiving P10million monthly

when he was already president. This money which was received from jueteng lords all over the country

served as protection money.

Article II details the different dummy corporations allegedly owned by Estrada. These interests

were not filed in his Statement of Assets and Liabilities.

The third article, betrayal of public trust narrates the president's meddling in the Securities and

Exchange Commission in favor of a friend. He also intervened in his sons' misconducts. When one

presidential son didn't pay a hotel bill, the president allegedly defended his son. Various friends and family

were also appointed by Estrada as presidential consultants. Estrada's promise of "walang kamag-anak,

walang kumpadre, walang kaibigan" was deliberately violated. Thus the betrayal of public trust.

The fourth article discusses Estrada's violation of the law when he ordered the retrieval of luxury

cars, sardines and clothing and distributed these to his Cabinet. He also appointed people to multiple

positions. This is aparently prohibited by law.



The Oust Estrada campaigns signify disillusion with an incompetent government and a corrupt

head. They are a statement that people have had enough and will not tolerate present and future

misgovernance. The campaigns also show the force that a united and politicized citizenry can bring. The

future may yet be bright and the impeachment of Estrada can only offer a less dim path for the Filipinos in

the new millennium.


The Responsibility of the Iskolar ng Bayan

This was posted in th Soli e-group


The other day last week, I rode on the same jeep with an old friend, which started easily with the usual kumustahan, on former exploits and shared experiences. It was a bit surprising then that the conversation eventually became a lecture on how, "you know, most activists can't outgrow yung pagrarali-rali" and similar juvenile activities, implicating that all activists, specially the lower batch, should outgrow "pagrarali-rali," that it's just a stage in our unending search for meaning and, well, you get the picture. To be fair, while essentially a quote, the argument was more sophisticated.

Frankly I couldn't understand him. I mean I understood him intellectually, but the conclusions seemed incongruent with the practice of activism that I witnessed and experienced. One is also hard put to hear a reprimand on the need to "outgrow" plant-like passivity amid pressing social issues.

It is the responsibility of the Iskolar ng Bayan to criticize and to fight social ills. The involvement attendant of critique is essential to bring about changes. Being subsidized from the sweat and blood of working people, almost a social parasite as implied by some, the UP student is expected not only to mature academically, but to develop qualitatively by exerting towards pressing concerns of the day his/her mind. Serving the people is virtually a social contract that the Iskolar ng Bayan has signed.

This person and I, we both ran under the biggest UPD-based student alliance, known for its "radical" posturing. (I put the apostrophes there coz' I can't see why critical analysis of issues and calling for action should be "radically" different from our needs, wants and "nature," however problematic the term). Needless to say, it had a formative influence in our thinking. For one, rallies are a form of collective action, not the only one mind you, but a very important part of the whole process of "arousing, organizing and mobilizing" for collective goals.
In my opinion, I can relate with people of different political positions, indeed because of interacting with so many people that was part of tasks and initiatives. I'm probably one of two individuals left in UP that was there in the alliance's founding, and stuck through with it even in the losing years, so it seemed to me superficial talk on how we just concentrate on the negative things, yada,yada. To me personally, it is the symptom of the aging of a principled life. One of the scariest materializations for a militant spirit is slowly being eaten away by apathy day by day, moment by moment, the hopeless feeling of not being able to affect events and circumstances, like wood on the way to rot. But, shucks, if you're using figures of speech like "being eaten away by apathy," and "wood on the way to rot," you know you're becoming chummy, so we leave that…

Well, I did kinda outgrow the puerile quest. That's because students actually made sense of who was really working their asses off to promulgate issues and calls for collective action. Secure that that alliance could take care of itself, I eventually became a part of this (Soli) alliance, though a big part of the story is that I went through mediating circumstances and undertook numerous activities that were largely outside but not inconsistent with this group's and with actively pursuing democratic rights. I still retained camaraderie of principles.

I hope you remind me of this piece when we get to talk and I've become pessimistic about change. To the generation in the bud, like Peter Pan, never grow up, if it means giving up. Don't lose hope, never believe that change will not come, that through our united efforts, justice, real equality of opportunity, genuine peace and a more preferable society will never be achieved. Whether the obstacle is human will or the "state of nature," it's usually just propaganda backed by force.
For me, I'm reminded of a statement by Arundhati Roy. She enunciates: "Another world is not only possible, she is on her way. On a quiet day, I can hear her breathing…"
That will primarily be expedited by concerned people moving, standing up and arising in solidarity and force within and without their alliances and convergence in material space. Mangangailangan ng mga palabang kasama at anak ng UP na magbubuklod-buklod ng kanilang lakas at kumakasa sa mga alyansa at katipunan bilang saligan at sakbayan ng paglilingkod sa masa at estudyante.

Caesar
P.S. Pasensya na, hindi ko alam yung translation ng mga Visayan Alliances J


Caesar

X A collective consciousness, a living organism, does not get formed before multiplicity is united by the rubbing together of individuals – A. Gramsci

X In the service of life, sacrifice becomes grace – Albert Einstein

A Serious Imbalance in the Perspective

This was a reply I gave to a series of articles in the UPLB Perspective (official student paper of UPLB) lambasting the Solidaridad (UP Systemwide Alliance of Student Publications and Writers' Organizations), published in the Perspective's Feb 28, 2003 issue. I was chair at that time.

A Serious Imbalance in the Perspective

This is in response to several articles published in the January 30, 2003 issue of the UPLB Perspective with regards to the SOLIDARIDAD UP Alliance of Student Publications and Writers' Organizations.
Forming the context of the bitter statements was the proposal of the UP Los Baños University Student Council (UPLB-USC) to change the Perspective's charter. In one of the USC's proposals, they suggested that a member of the editorial selection committee could come from a "publication alliance such as SOLIDARIDAD." Upon which Ms Rowena Espiritu explained that Perspective was not a member of any Alliance, therefore they, meaning SOLIDARIDAD, "cannot interfere in the issues of the Perspective." In other parts of the same issue, SOLIDARIDAD allegedly "dumped" the Perspective following an anomaly in the editorship, that the Alliance is "captured," as like a hunter catching prey, and "constructed by the National Democratic ideology," purportedly leading to a "serious imbalance in the Perspective."

Moves to make student processes less susceptible to arbitrary administrative intervention can only be commended, especially in light of the recent UPLB case where administrative initiative could be seen as a detrimental precedent for similar cases in the future. The details of such revision, however, should only be prescribed by students immediately concerned.
While the Alliance would have been more than eager to offer solicited advice regarding democratization, no officer of the Alliance was even consulted for the January 23 meeting between USC-UPLB and the Perspective. Thus, we were surprised to read in the January 30 issue the involvement of the Alliance's name, with all the accompanying disparagement whose basis can only be thin air. The Perspective does itself and the students a disservice by displacing its charter problems by lapsing into abuse.
Even given that the proposal was adopted, contrary to Ms Espiritu's suggestion that an alliance such as SOLIDARIDAD would be an interfering force, the nature of the Alliance militates against such an undemocratic stance, organically sprouting as the Alliance is from organizations, publications and budding publications from all UP units. Its practice also denies Ms Espiritu's insinuation.
SOLIDARIDAD is an alliance which was founded, among others, by the UPLB Perspective to aid in the establishment of student publications and zealous in its commitment to campus press freedom. At present, it is coordinating with about sixty organizations and publications, many of them yet to be established because of lack or absence of funds and facilities, or to outright repression and administrative interference. From its brief existence, it has shown only commitment and versatility in addressing student issues, with focus on the problems of student publications and their writers.
Thus we were alarmed and indignant when the UPLB chancellor easily set aside processes and intervened last year in the UPLB Perspective's editorial selection, setting aside the entire selection committee's efforts, denigrating the student judges, passing through the lesson that students do not know what's best for their own interest, which could qualify as an addition to the Tactical Manual for Administrative Intervention. The Alliance saw that the Perspective case could easily be used as precedent for future cases. Thus, the Alliance released a statement regarding the facts and focused on the administrative intervention, consciously avoiding subjective factors such as to who was more 'deserving 'as editor, as suggested by a certain Melbourne Talactac. With all the propaganda from either camp, the Alliance only showed that it had the advantage of impartiality.
While other institutions may have categorically stated their non-recognition of Mr. Masakayan, the Alliance didn't focus on the personalities involved in the issue. SOLIDARIDAD recognizes the UPLB Perspective as an independent institution and a founding member of the Alliance.
With regards to the 'dumping:' while other members felt strongly about the Perspective editorial selection issue, this did not constitute a basis for an expulsion from the Alliance. There was loss of communication, true, not without effort on our part to establish contact, but after a while it became apparent that the Perspective had political concerns about association with the Alliance. If the Perspective was 'dumped,' as Talactac cries, certainly an official letter from the Executive Council declaring so would appear on your desk. While we didn't push to be "accepted" as editorial selection judge, we are hoping that Talactac does not imply exclusion from the position of judge solely on the basis of a subjective gripe.
We also find your editorial troubling. Writing that SOLIDARIDAD is "captured or constructed by the National Democratic ideology," with all the dangerous implications, can only be the writer suffering from lack of imagination, using the old technique of painting with the same red brush all entities one wishes to malign. Members of the Alliance come from diverse perspectives and orientations that fail to be comprehended by Perspective's irresponsible editorial.
Surely an imbalance in perspectives occurs not on the Alliance's part, but the Alliance still welcomes your writers and staff to prove or disprove whatever assumptions you may have and to further understanding among UP student writers by participating in the Alliance's activities.
But understanding the basis for your opinions does not excuse the irresponsible publication of your thoughts. If you feel so freely able to malign SOLIDARIDAD as an alliance in such a manner, then reconciliation is inevitable if you would make amends, nothing short of public apology, for insinuations that are unjustified and unfair, not only to the Alliance, but to your credibility and self-respect as well.

Yours Truly,

Caesar A. Baroña
Chairperson
SOLIDARIDAD UP Alliance of Student Publications and Writers' Organizations

(For further queries, please contact Solidaridad-UPLB's Consul-General Me-an Batas of the College of Forestry's student paper Dahon, or Ryne Amatorio of CDC Channel)


A Serious Imbalance in the Perspective

This was a reply I gave to a series of articles in the UPLB Perspective (official student paper of UPLB) lambasting the Solidaridad (UP Systemwide Alliance of Student Publications and Writers' Organizations), published in the Perspective's Feb 28, 2003 issue. I was chair at that time.

A Serious Imbalance in the Perspective

This is in response to several articles published in the January 30, 2003 issue of the UPLB Perspective with regards to the SOLIDARIDAD UP Alliance of Student Publications and Writers' Organizations.
Forming the context of the bitter statements was the proposal of the UP Los Baños University Student Council (UPLB-USC) to change the Perspective's charter. In one of the USC's proposals, they suggested that a member of the editorial selection committee could come from a "publication alliance such as SOLIDARIDAD." Upon which Ms Rowena Espiritu explained that Perspective was not a member of any Alliance, therefore they, meaning SOLIDARIDAD, "cannot interfere in the issues of the Perspective." In other parts of the same issue, SOLIDARIDAD allegedly "dumped" the Perspective following an anomaly in the editorship, that the Alliance is "captured," as like a hunter catching prey, and "constructed by the National Democratic ideology," purportedly leading to a "serious imbalance in the Perspective."

Moves to make student processes less susceptible to arbitrary administrative intervention can only be commended, especially in light of the recent UPLB case where administrative initiative could be seen as a detrimental precedent for similar cases in the future. The details of such revision, however, should only be prescribed by students immediately concerned.
While the Alliance would have been more than eager to offer solicited advice regarding democratization, no officer of the Alliance was even consulted for the January 23 meeting between USC-UPLB and the Perspective. Thus, we were surprised to read in the January 30 issue the involvement of the Alliance's name, with all the accompanying disparagement whose basis can only be thin air. The Perspective does itself and the students a disservice by displacing its charter problems by lapsing into abuse.
Even given that the proposal was adopted, contrary to Ms Espiritu's suggestion that an alliance such as SOLIDARIDAD would be an interfering force, the nature of the Alliance militates against such an undemocratic stance, organically sprouting as the Alliance is from organizations, publications and budding publications from all UP units. Its practice also denies Ms Espiritu's insinuation.
SOLIDARIDAD is an alliance which was founded, among others, by the UPLB Perspective to aid in the establishment of student publications and zealous in its commitment to campus press freedom. At present, it is coordinating with about sixty organizations and publications, many of them yet to be established because of lack or absence of funds and facilities, or to outright repression and administrative interference. From its brief existence, it has shown only commitment and versatility in addressing student issues, with focus on the problems of student publications and their writers.
Thus we were alarmed and indignant when the UPLB chancellor easily set aside processes and intervened last year in the UPLB Perspective's editorial selection, setting aside the entire selection committee's efforts, denigrating the student judges, passing through the lesson that students do not know what's best for their own interest, which could qualify as an addition to the Tactical Manual for Administrative Intervention. The Alliance saw that the Perspective case could easily be used as precedent for future cases. Thus, the Alliance released a statement regarding the facts and focused on the administrative intervention, consciously avoiding subjective factors such as to who was more 'deserving 'as editor, as suggested by a certain Melbourne Talactac. With all the propaganda from either camp, the Alliance only showed that it had the advantage of impartiality.
While other institutions may have categorically stated their non-recognition of Mr. Masakayan, the Alliance didn't focus on the personalities involved in the issue. SOLIDARIDAD recognizes the UPLB Perspective as an independent institution and a founding member of the Alliance.
With regards to the 'dumping:' while other members felt strongly about the Perspective editorial selection issue, this did not constitute a basis for an expulsion from the Alliance. There was loss of communication, true, not without effort on our part to establish contact, but after a while it became apparent that the Perspective had political concerns about association with the Alliance. If the Perspective was 'dumped,' as Talactac cries, certainly an official letter from the Executive Council declaring so would appear on your desk. While we didn't push to be "accepted" as editorial selection judge, we are hoping that Talactac does not imply exclusion from the position of judge solely on the basis of a subjective gripe.
We also find your editorial troubling. Writing that SOLIDARIDAD is "captured or constructed by the National Democratic ideology," with all the dangerous implications, can only be the writer suffering from lack of imagination, using the old technique of painting with the same red brush all entities one wishes to malign. Members of the Alliance come from diverse perspectives and orientations that fail to be comprehended by Perspective's irresponsible editorial.
Surely an imbalance in perspectives occurs not on the Alliance's part, but the Alliance still welcomes your writers and staff to prove or disprove whatever assumptions you may have and to further understanding among UP student writers by participating in the Alliance's activities.
But understanding the basis for your opinions does not excuse the irresponsible publication of your thoughts. If you feel so freely able to malign SOLIDARIDAD as an alliance in such a manner, then reconciliation is inevitable if you would make amends, nothing short of public apology, for insinuations that are unjustified and unfair, not only to the Alliance, but to your credibility and self-respect as well.

Yours Truly,

Caesar A. Baroña
Chairperson
SOLIDARIDAD UP Alliance of Student Publications and Writers' Organizations

(For further queries, please contact Solidaridad-UPLB's Consul-General Me-an Batas of the College of Forestry's student paper Dahon, or Ryne Amatorio of CDC Channel)


alternative chronological realities

This was a reaction to a series of articles and an analysis in an Ibon magazine, part of a Journalism class assignment under Sir Danilo Arao...

The long and bitter war is over. The latest developments in the new year has offered a glimmer of light for crawling out of the economic and political crisis spawned by the corrupt and incompetent Estrada government. The ouster of former president Joseph Estrada from office concludes a chapter in what IBON's Antonio Tujan calls the "crisis of moribund elite politics."
In light of the new developments, a comparison with IBON's projections is in order. The first article gives a review of economic realities affected by political uncertainty in the context of whether Estrada will remain in office or not. It begins by trying to show relevant issues. The article shows a good grasp of economic fundamentals. It shows that although the government tries to project a good economic report, the author elucidates some points that could mislead the reader's opinion on the meaning of the particular economic data. The writer clarifies, for example, that lower rate in government expenditure does not translate to the government's spending less. The writer also comprehends that economic data does not mean human level of satisfaction. He points out that GNP and GDP do not necessarily reflect the standard of living of the poor.
The use of tables indicate mastery by the writer and this improves the readability of the topic. I feel, though, that economic data can still be disseminated in more popular form. I have no suggestions on how this could be done, but still the point has to be raised.
The writer's argument is supported by ample evidence except for one assertion. I am anti-Estrada myself, but assuming Estrada guilty of the December 30 bombings without sufficient evidence contradicts my preference to give even enemies the benefit of the doubt. The point is that Estrada was not proven to be responsible for the bombings. However much one would like it to point to Estrada's direction, one cannot play the game of objectivity with conspiracy theories presented as unarguable fact.The writer could have put it in a more subtle way. Still, the tone of the article does allow for it to be an opinion piece. In this case, the lapse is within the bounds of what is expected.
Overall, the article is well-written. The conclusion is much supported by the data.

The next article speaks of destabilization and the political crisis that the Estrada government administered and suffered from. It lays down possible scenarios that could happen given the crisis. It was of course limited by the data at the time of the writing but the author does good scenario-building even with this handicap put up by time to those wishing to probe its secrets.

The scenarios are good in that they follow from the argumentation and data given by the author. There is one point, though, that is arguable. On page 29, the writer states that in case of an acquittal, public outrage will follow, but the military will become the decisive factor. In hindsight, the argument was plausible. But the turn of events have shown that it was the public and its pressure that was decisive. The military defections of Mercado and Reyes were only icing in the ouster cake. One would think that the author's insistence on the decisive role of the military had put him under the spell of rightist propagandists. The decisive factor for the military's defection was mainly civilian and US support was minimal.
The above points about the military, civilians and the US reminds me of a bet I made in 1998 with activist friends on who would win the presidential elections. I wagered that Estrada would win and they thought it would be De Venecia because he had the machinery and the support of the US government. They underestimated Estrada's popularity with the masses and focused too much on structures as a basis for analysis. My co-bettors underestimated the opinion of the masses. Besides, I later pointed out, anyone not adverse to US interests will not invite US intervention. I still have to collect my winnings.
The reason why most of the scenarios given have not taken place and will probably not take place is the author's emphasis on structural analysis without giving thought to contingency and the role of human agency. Thus, basing only on long-term projections, a small thing like the reaction by the public to obstruction of justice was overlooked. The people only exhausted all means to remove Estrada from office but when all means had been exhausted and the people had been frustrated, the last option was immediately taken. The events leading to January 20 could have been predicted as early as the first week of January. But to be fair, based on what he has given, the scenarios presented by the author are probable scenarios. Unfortunately for these analyses, but fortunately for the Filipino people, a new timeline has dominated over these alternative chronological realities.
Again, the presentation of data in tables and essay form is admirable. A reader not interested in the topics would still get a very good idea of what the writer is saying. Which more than makes up for the criticism I have made above.

oust erap campaigns

This was for a Journalism 103 class under Sir Danilo Arao. It touched on the events leading to Edsa Dos - though of course far from comprehnsive ...

Days of Rage, Nights of Protest

After the November 14 rally, campaign centers could be seen again around the different colleges in the university calling for the resignation of President Joseph Estrada. November 28 came, and chants of "Iskolar ng Bayan, ngayon ay lumalaban!" and "Erap Resign!" could be heard. This was the culmination of preparations for three days of protest, urging Erap to "Resign or be ousted." Then the UP community proceeded on five buses to the Philippine Senate.
The UP students and some of their teachers braved the streets and it was one of UP's finest times, when it again showed its militancy and collective struggle towards a common goal. The Senate became UP's parliamentary stage to air its views on the corruption, cronyism, and other moribund policies of the Estrada government. Streamers of "UP is watching you" warned the senators to hear the people's demand to impeach Erap. There on the road faced the UP community blocked by truncheon-wielding guards and gun-toting marines, a study in contrast. A little later, a group of pro-Estrada supporters came. When the lawyers for Estrada came out of the building they were jeered by the students, calling them "Tuta!"
A small victory was won that day, with the senate junking a petition to dismiss the impeachment trial on technical grounds.
After the Senate protest, others proceeded to join PUP students who staged their own protests in Mendiola Bridge. A program was held there, then the group proceeded to Morayta road for an overnight vigil.
The next day, these students were joined by groups of workers and peasants from provinces surrounding Manila. Before arriving in Mendiola, these peasant groups were fed by Makati businessmen in what is dubbed the "People Power Lunch." Such interclass mixing is rarely seen in the Philippine social scene.
The night arrived and Mendiola was transformed into a concert scene, with different groups performing on stage. Some bands even changed the lyrics of popular jingles to tunes that signify anti-Estrada sentiments. The weary protesters stayed all night in Mendiola.
The next day was Bonifacio day, traditionally a day when workers celebrate the national hero's day by airing the Filipino workers' plight. This, the Great Plebeian's Day, was a testimony of what the enlightened masses can do, seeking the ouster of one who calls himself "for the masses." The militant groups under BAYAN or Bagong Alyansang Makabayan were joined by moderate and rightist groups like TUCP and Akbayan. Such mix of political colors is also rarely seen in the Philippine scene. The program went on into the evening. The crowd then dispersed and went slowly into the night, with spontaneous bursts of chants from small groups scattering.
To someone who had been hibernating from the Philippine political scene, the mass actions signify disillusion with the Estrada Administration. Before the expose of the jueteng payola by Ilocos Sur governor Chavit Singson, several controversies and criticisms had already rocked the Estrada Administration.
The first of these was Estrada's insistence for the remains of former dictator Ferdinand Marcos to be buried at the Libingan ng mga Bayani. This was met with massive protests. Bayani, of course, is Tagalog for hero. Several issues followed foremost of which is Estrada's support for presidential friends, a euphemism for cronies. These friends include Stanley Ho with his floating casino, Atong Ang, Lucio Tan, whom he supported in the Philippine Airlines controversy and cases of tax evasion, Danding Cojuangco, who regained position in San Miguel Corp. and dubbed the "Godfather of Land Reform." Cojuangco is one of the biggest landlords in the country. Mark Crespo (Mark Jimenez) was reported to have won P600 million in one night, more than enough to allow him to pay for his debts in the same government-owned casino he had won the money from. The Marcos family enjoyed political rehabilitation under Estrada, causing wincing from human rights victims under Martial Law.
Despite enormous resistance, Estrada's Administration passed the Visiting Forces Agreement, or VFA, which allows access to American armed forces to the entire Philippine archipelago.
Estrada also continued the previous administration's commitment to the IMF-dictated policies of liberalization, privatization, and deregulation. In order to meet the needs of globalization, Estrada pushed for charter change. The CONCORD, or Constitutional Correction for Development, would have allowed 100% foreign ownership of Philippine resources, in order to entice foreign investments.
Graft-related scandals also rocked the administration. The attempt at bribery by a presidential cousin to land a contract in the printing of schoolbooks was exposed by Budget Secretary in relation to the textbook scam. The Motorola scam, which implicated a chief Estrada campaign strategist, involved padding of government expenses in the acquisition of radio equipment. The BW Resources scandal resulted in the resignation of SEC chief Perfecto Yasay.
Estrada also intimidated the media. First to earn presidential ire was The Manila Times, which under the threat of a multi-million lawsuit was sold to an Estrada crony. The Philippine Daily Inquirer also fell from presidential grace because of its perceived anti-Estrada slant.
Under Estrada's term, the oil cartel enjoyed the privilege of hiking oil prices, with at least 23 oil price increases under a deregulated set-up, resulting in mass protests especially among transport groups. Workers have asked for as much as a P125 wage increase but only P25.50 was given by government wage boards. Despite a positive economic growth in 1999, this seemed more government pump-priming of the economy at the cost of social services and in the service of foreign and local debts. As a result of misappropriation of budget, state colleges and universities also suffered budget cuts.
This was exacerbated by the war in Mindanao, which took its toll on the national budget. Its other costs illustrate the effects of war on the ravaged civilian population caught in the crossfire between the government troops and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front. The June 2000 statistics of HALAD-West, a non-government disaster response agency showed that at least 113,706 families were displaced from the places of combat. The social cost of the war was overwhelming compared to the objective of exterminating secessionist groups. Oplan Makabayan, a counter-insurgency campaign was also implemented, resulting in massive human rights violations by the Citizens' Armed Geographical Units and the Armed Force of the Philippines, who seem determined to plumb the depths of human atrocity. Human rights groups also protested the appointments of Panfilo Lacson and Alfredo Lim, known human rights violators, into top positions.
For these reasons, several groups have been calling for Estrada's resignation. One of the biggest organizers of the protest actions, BAYAN had been calling for the ouster of the "US-Estrada Regime" since the State of the Nation Address last year.
The whole thing exploded when Chavit Singson declared Estrada "the lord of all jueteng lords."
Singson is part of Estrada's "inner circle" making his claims all the more believable. A week after, Cardinal Sin of the archdiocese of Manila, called for Estrada's resignation, as he has lost the "moral mandate" to govern and resignation "would be good for his soul."
Subsequent exposes by the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism on the Estrada mansions have also strengthened the calls for Estrada's resignation. November 13 started the impeachment trials against the president when former speaker Manuel Villar hurriedly passed the resolution to impeach Estrada to the senate. Senators are now formed into jurors for the impeachment trial which will begin on December 7.
The call for the ouster of Estrada is not without differences on how to go about it. There is a "Resign All" call for "true change"as enunciated by a Sanlakas party-list representative. When asked that he resign first, he refused. The call has been criticized as being divisive. The group espousing this call had also issued statements before to not call for Estrada's ouster as this would result only in a modification of political faces. Which also opens up the question of opportunism on the part of these groups. Another call they made was for snap elections, apparently snapped up by Senator Juan Enrile, then a known Estrada ally. This was criticized as a venue for giving a fresh mandate for Estrada as he still enjoys popular support.
There is the Estrada Resign Movement, part of the Oust Estrada campaign launched by groups such as BAYAN, Kilusang Mayo Uno, ANAKBAYAN, Gabriela, and other groups. Also for resignation are the Kongreso ng Mamamayang Pilipino, the Scientists for the Immediate Resignation of Estrada, the eLagda, and other formations.
There are those who are betting all on the impeachment process, as this was the constitutional process. Thus there is the Safeguard the Impeachment Process that was launched in Ateneo, the school where Estrada dropped-out. But as BAYAN secretary general Teodoro Casiño notes, "It is clear that President Estrada will never resign voluntarily, or allow the impeachment court in the Senate to do its job judiciously, much more to convict him. The only option available for the people is to force Estrada out of office in the fastest and most peaceful manner available." Which of course include the protest actions to show that the people have lost hope in Estrada and that the people and the economy will suffer more if he does not step down.
Whatever form the Oust Estrada campaigns take, what is important is that in the struggle to overthrow a moribund leader, people find some sense of self and empowerment in the act itself, whether successful or not. A night at the Mendiola rally, I heard what was probably the most significant thing about the protest actions. It was sung in the tune of "We will Rock You!" The lyrics were changed to "We Will Oust You!" I think that that signifies that people have realized their power to transform society. That people, from all sectors of society, from the students of the different universities, to the peasants from the ricefields, to the workers from the factories, the businessmen from Ayala, women, children, and old people, to have seen them in one place to unite for a common cause, speaks much more for the future of our country than any gambling, womanizing, warfreak, action star in a penguin suit can ever hope to waste. The call for the ouster of Estrada can only be good for our salvation.



References

"Anti-Estrada protests mark Bonifacio Day," Philippine Daily Inquirer, December 1, 2000
National Guilder, Special Issue, November 2000
Philippine Alliance of Human Rights Advocates, Human Rights at the Close of the 20th Century, July 2000

A letter to my parents

This was a letter we were required to write for a Community Development 11 (CD 11) class under Sir Elmer Ferrer. Part of it discusses the supposed historical role of intellectuals in social transformation.


To mom and dad,

Shifting has been strenuous for me. I've felt what you've reminded me of wasting my time. I have been in a limbo of sorts, because I couldn't get over the idea of leaving the only course in the world. I'm in CD now, and though I've missed my equations, I feel that I wouldn't be able to solve the simplest formula one can think of. I have the suspicion that my mind has become numb and immune to learning anything new. I guess I'm really paying for not attending much to academics and giving a little more time than necessary for extracurricular activities.
But depression subsides when you've got something to do. Friends have been helpful and shifting to CD has helped me to momentarily recover. I've learned of transformative knowledge, where I can use all I've learned in science for changing society. This was brought home to me in my introductory Community Development class – CD 11.
In my CD class, one can voice out opinions that would have been insignificant to a normal class, opinions that bring out impulses for change. We've learned that structures extremely limit human progress and most of these structures are unfair and inegalitarian. Community Development studies also tries to grasp the roots of poverty and helplessness, how a few maintain this order, and the course offers hope of changing this system. I'm thankful for my teacher Mr. Elmer Ferrer, of things I would never have been taught in my previous course.
Of course, some of the things being taught are nothing new, at least to me, because I do get around the campus a lot, and get in touch with some of the social issues. There are also some elements that I feel to be arbitrary sprinkled here and there. Some of the ideas of my teacher I don't necessarily agree with, but hey, some of my favorite teachers express opinions I disagree with.
We had a class on environmentalism the other week, and people had a party bashing all the ills of the world and its environmental degradation and blaming it on technology. The class was encouraged to pursue the argument until I blurted in. I pointed out that plastics replaced the cutting of several trees. Mr. Ferrer said that if we only managed our resources well, we didn't have to have such replacements that clog sewers. Exactly my unexpounded point.
The system that propagates the wasting of our resources is not science, a little perhaps on lack of environmental education, but rather points more to the capitalist imperatives of self-expansion, "productivity," profit-maximization, and competition without regards to the environmental effects. Modern environmentalism usually points to technology or the products of science as the final culprit. Or worst, it points to the logic, the rational impulse of science, which is said to be the cause of the environmental disasters of the twentieth century. But we have to ask whether the fruits of science and technology must by definition correspond with the needs of capitalist exploitation, accumulation, and the destruction of nature that inevitably accompany them. We don't have to throw out the baby with the bathwater. Now I don't want to be ignorant of how technology and the products of science are being used in contradiction with Nature and pristine communities, but a critical inquiry would reveal that science is not the simplistic giant used to undermine the natural balance, but it would show that science can be an ally of environmentalists. Recent debates on the rise in global temperature show how important it is that environmentalists use science to strengthen their positions. It's easy to blame the tools and renege human responsibility for our own problems. The very crimes being charged against science and technology would more justly have capitalism as the prime suspect.
I have trouble also with the current theoretical trends about "civil society," if it means settling for an eternal "other" power other than the elitist state. Ironically, civil society is a product of the revolutionary movement, and the most active and strongest groups that can be termed "civil society" do not constrict their playing field to "civil society," but also struggle with tactics and strategies of grappling the state for the people. They also greatly consider the role of militant class struggle. I thought that the "democratic space" that civil society exponents celebrated had been refuted long ago. The recent EDSA Dos must have shown that there are a lot of things to change. Politics only changes faces in this country, and does not fundamentally mutate into something else. As long as a political agent does not present itself as a totality to other sectors, no genuine transformation will occur. Even the elite celebrated the January change of government because it did not have significant class content. Prior to Edsa Dos, the working class suffered serious setbacks from yellow unionism.
But revolution is more than taking to the mountains. It is more than killing, families torn apart, violence. It certainly involves that, but it is more a change in our way of thinking, to overthrow one class for the majority of the people. In this sense it is more educational. The hardest people to teach are the ruling class. Far stronger than our ideas are our interests. Even if the capitalist would read all the volumes of Das Kapital, he would still remain a capitalist. Even if a government official was sincere and honest, he is embedded in an apparatus used as instrument of oppression and exploitation. As long as people do not wish to break free, the vicious circle remains.
Now some CD teachers usually hint at being involved in something more than teaching and becoming more involved once in a movement. But some of them express tiredness and anger at what they feel to have been inadequate paradigms that they had practically left behind. Imagine a radical movement that had suffered a great setback. Many, no doubt, would drift either cynically or sincerely to the right, regretting their earlier views as infantile idealism and simple-mindedness. Others, sensing that the struggle had been hard to fight would comfortably settle for more moderate forms of struggle. But militancy is all that the masses have. If the system seemed hard to crack from outside, then one would find it a virtue in subverting it from inside, as in inside the state apparatus. A great many theoretical justifications would flow from this glum conjecture. There would be a celebration of the marginal and a suspicion of the current vigor of the movement. The intellectual would take center stage and be promoted as historic agent. There would be an increasing obsession with language and culture—topics where the intellectual is more likely to feel at home than in the realm of material production and struggle in factories and farms, or the mountain guerilla trek.
The historical basis for this way of thinking would be that the political movement that was once active, seemingly near getting to power, and creative, had suffered great defeats, both internally and externally. Now what if there were also splits and factions that seemed to an outsider was causing the rupture of the movement itself. I think that once-participants in social change that had left this movement have cause to feel suspicious of the survival of radicalism, and at a greater force than before, and they would simply demonize it as not having the creativity to appraise present realities. The current vigorous revival of the movement would simply be lost on them.

I feel appreciative of how my class encourages me to think of thoughts that diverge from the usual discussion. I felt a bit of irony the other day when class discussion had Marxists, the most radical practitioners of this century, painted of simplistic viewpoints. My experience shows otherwise. I feel that old revolutionaries project their era into ours and throw the foibles or simply the adolescence of their generation's experiences to the present. Marxists have been accused of "reductionism," foundationalism," or "essentialism," on the grounds that Marxism allegedly reduces the varied complexity of human experience to a monolithic view of the world, "privileging" the mode of production as a historical determinant, class as against other "identities," and "economic" or "material" determinants as against the "discursive construction" of reality. A healthy respect for difference and diversity of opinions does not oblige us to throw out all the universalistic assumptions to which Marxism at its best has always been attached, or to abandon the idea of a universal human emancipation. Marxists were the ones who pointed out that social reality is not as simple as the economism that they often are accused of. In light of capitalism's triumph and rampaging move to make itself seem invincible, a materialist viewpoint is a necessary step in liberating ourselves from its stranglehold.
CD 11 asks us: for whom are you? I think that was answered a long time ago. I'm for the poor, the oppressed, the exploited and marginalized of the world. My training in science had given me some of the tools to think of how to improve society. It has also occurred to me that there is a deep epistemological relation between science and dissent against all arbitrary powers and opinions that I think I'll be magnifying more in community development. I think I'll be learning more in weeks to come.

This is all for now.

Yours Sincerely,

Caesar

Journal Entries June-Sepember 2003

The following are journal entries in my last semester in fieldwork as part of my course in Community Development at UP. We were integrating at a workers' community in Laguna...

June 23 - First arrived at the regional office (RO) of IBM. Place was full of people. Sabak agad. Picket at the regional office of the Department of Labor and Employmant (DOLE) at walking distance. Went back to Manila because of class tomorrow.
June 24 - CD 121 class
June 25-30 - KTPMU and site ocular. Back and forth through Mapagong
July 2-8 - Went thorugh Mapagong, Banana Island, some areas beside the highway.
July 10-13 - Same old. Reading Politics of Sexuality: The seemingly most intimate details of private existence are actually structured by larger social relations.
July 14 - At the Dole office in Intramuros; picket. Workers asserting their rights.
July 16-17 - Some of the people in the office talking about how they were violently dispersed, typical of Filipino's propensity to turn what would otherwise be a tragic moment into humorous punchlines, an adaptation no doubt to brutal realities which we can slightly mitigate.
July 17 - Got invited to LB concert at night.
July 18 - Such a small office yet accommodates the consolidated struggles of workers in their factories.
July 19 - Keep at it. There are no magic keys to organizing. Anything worth doing is obviously not going to be easily done.
July 20 - From Noam: With respect to the responsibility of intellectuals, there are still other, equally disturbing questions. Intellectuals are in a position to expose the lies of governments, to analyze actions according to their causes and motives and often hidden intentions. In the Western world at least, they have the power that comes from political liberty, from access to information and freedom of expression. For a privileged minority, Western democracy provides the leisure, the facilities, and the training to seek the truth lying hidden behind the veil of distortion and misrepresentation, ideology, and class interest through which the events of current history are presented to us. The responsibility of intellectuals, then, are much deeper than what Macdonald calls the "responsibility of peoples," given the unique opportunities that intellectuals enjoy.
July 27 - Oakwood mutiny. Only one of team left. Walked through traffic to Banana to set meet. Also invited Kay and her mom. No luck.
July 28 - SONA
August 1 - Somewhere here wrote why Danding doesn't deserve to even be considered president.
August 2 - It's not easy for formally democratic states to wage war on their own population without taking into consideration public opinion and protocol. That's why the ruling class launches massive campaigns of deception so that people accept their rule as necessary and inevitable.
August 20 -Return of the Jedi...
August 21 - Ninoy Aquino's death anniversary.
August 22 - Empty streets in front of school.
August 23 - went to Banana to set meet. Another stultifying day.
August 24-25 - Writing about the brain: Intelligence seems to be correlated to a brain-to-body mass ratio, along with number of neural circuits plus learning and/in experience.
Aug 27 - It is for the privileged to have access to information, for those with multiple social advantages, to learn from and articulate the wishes and desires of marginalized people in their struggle for a better life.
Aug 29 - Banana. Stayed a while there.
Sept 4 - Think here first met new contacts.
Sept. 7 - Interviewed Len of Fujitsu (management). Couldn't document it.
September 11 - 2nd anniversary of attack on US. If imperialism is the moribund stage of capitalism, then we would expect it to be acting more irrationally, like an old and dying man, as time progresses, but with an internal logic and rationality that we can understand due to the old ways of thinking and systematized education we were brainwashed in, within the system of exploitation and subservience.
Was set to have interview with Fujitsu employee (Carol). She wasn't there. Seems she's hiding. 4pm brainstorming with Gina and Len and other youth. Aching head but still at it.
September 12 - Workers have to struggle to improve and ultimately take control of their political and economic rights, in the recognition that the social order being fed them contradict to a fundemental degree their interests, and that the only way to a better life is to restructure society.
Sept 14 - Met with youth mobilized by Gina.
September 19 - went to Sta. Cruz to get medicines. Long trip. Saw UP Open Uni.
September 21 - Martial Law 31st anniversary. Remembering the martyrs who sacrificed their lives to brighten that dark era. US supported it till the end. We must hold governments responsible for their support of repressive regimes. Day of Med mission.
September 22 - went back to Banana to set planning meet.
It is the responsibility of the community organizer to aid the speeding up of the process of social change towards justice, freedom and equality. Easy to say, hardest thing to do. It is a humbling journey, replete with obstacles, old and new, big and small, but it is a journey we have to traverse if we want to see the horizon. It is a tiring thing, I hope I've done maybe something, at the very least, and all of that time wasn't spent in waste. I'd like to think that I've given all of my spare time besides satisfying my interests. I've made mistakes, some time passed without fruition, but I really do hope I've made a difference in my stay in the university and outside. I still remember the feeling when people become somehow enlightened by something you say, like for example when we went to a town in Glan, Gen. Santos in a coastal community once, and I taught in an educational discussion where a member of the MILF was there. I don't know how to measure what I've done, what we've done, perhaps we shouldn't, but I feel, in a rather mystical way, that something, or some things, are preventing me from achieving what I should be achieving, that I can do more, but somehow I'm stuck here somewhere. It is hardly an appropriate sentiment for someone who's somehow been engaged in it for a relatively long time, but it is easy to lose energy. I have to recharge somewhere, like I've always done. Here's to health.
We have to be responsible for the consequences of our actions, and our inactions. Community develoment certainly provides the venue for that involvement. It is thus our decision whether to participate in it, starting from the communities we're integrated with. Achieving what we want will be an arduous task, a travel from where we are to another world. It will require continuous commitment, critical thought and collective action.

Journal entries Jan2003

The following are journal entries during fieldwork for my Community Development Course at UP. January 2003. We conducted research around the Taal-Tagaytay area.January 13-17. So I start creating a new story, write some of my thoughts. When I write in my diary it's mostly about people I meet, what I did that day, without setting the mood as writers in novels do. Some insights perhaps, but mostly facts. I have some reservations in doing this, though. When you write something and people read it, you're partly judged by the thoughts and ideas you come up with, even though writing may not fully capture the subtleties of feeling and commitment and the complexities of the thought process itself. Moreover, thought is non-linear, writing has to have some kind of organization, unless you're postmodernists or writing for a new genre. Even as a writer, I don't follow the form demanded by this journal project. In the past year, I've also noticed that my works were mostly political commentaries and not what I would call personal writing. People like it, but I feel there's some literary loss somewhere. .It's a new turn I guess.
ED whole week. During a workshop session, thought of winnable issues vs commercial fishing and pollution then surround eco-tourism issue. The theory goes like this: with eco-tourism on the move, the system of capital encroaching on traditional fishing grounds produces its own contradictions that we can exploit. On the surface, advocates will see fish cages as polluting, therefore bad for tourism. Commercial fishing such as suro will produce environmental rift, again bad for tourism. Therefore, with the globalization thrust through ecotourism, the issues of pollution and commercial fishing will have crusaders against them in the locality, even among elites. But you might think that commercial fishing and pollution are part and parcel, reinforces the system where the rich benefit to the detriment of everything else. True, while the practices put the skids under the system on one level, they reproduce its logic on another. Thus, while we exploit the contradictions produced, we must be wary that the system does appropriate commercial fishing and pollution, and that these are also logical extensions of globalization. In the meantime, we organize, gain allies, fishnet the complexities and target the pana at the bigger threat posed by ecotourism.

January 18. Went through Halang. Learned my theory of winnable issues already being practiced by people like Ka Mila. They've already gained considerable organizing gains in that direction. Also confirmed my hypothesis last year of migration patterns of fish blocked by fish cages in Nasipit. Should be more assertive in tactical modes. Took a boat to Kalumayin.
Kalumayin, Cuenca- Met Barangay Captain Lubi and family. Met Len. Went to Bob Garon's house. The spiritual adviser teaches charity not social change. Ate at Konsehal's house. Ate again at Captain Lubi's Superstition, even among organizers. Telling stories at night, was explaining to Ram how such phenomena happen but do not necessarily have supernatural explanation.
January 19. First saw fishcages. Starting to get the lake situation. Seems being separated from former team-mates a good thing. Maybe because felt that the redundancy situation minimized and nagging disappeared. They were getting the info but now I'm forced to get into it. Observations of their washing also paid off. Now initiating plate-washing to be respectful to hosts.
Thought before that I was irritated into being forced to speak. We all have our strengths and weaknesses, I thought, some talk, others write. In UP, you have a whole tibak culture oriented towards producing "mass leaders" which I found discriminating. Not to me, I developed relative immunity from peer criticism. Maybe because I got my share of it, and through experience found unrealized ideas would have been better, or the ones I successfully did contradicted established views, now recognized. Unite, but struggle, too.
"Mass leaders" useful as mouthpieces of the movement, if they don't develop egos, but many others are better at other aspects of organizing that are equally, if not more, important. Am also conscious of all-round development. Be one with the people, not become part of an artificial class. Despite all the books exhorting leadership, I think we should be developing empowered people, not leaders, with all the connotations of followers and superiority. What we should be developing should be co-travellers on a journey. Elaborate later.
I surely kept reminding myself that "every moment is an opportunity to propagandize," but can't do it all the time. But now I feel freer to do this, and I'm benefiting for the knowledge of the situation. Wala nang kontra eh:) Besides, I'm not silent all the time. How could we have done things if things were always as surmised by the meditative pose?
Revised stand on fishcages. As long as it's people living around benefiting and taking care of them, fine. But not the likes of Bong Pineda who has 200 'holes' (fish cages). Big people, you see, the class thing. Texted Muriel why is it that most fish cages are in Talisay? Is it near Manila (geographic proximity to market) or was it something facilitated by big-name families? Learned later that it was both, and Muriel's group suspect it was facilitated by BFAR. Bureaucrat-capitalism at its best.
Note: Take photos of fish cages next time.
Trek up from Kalumayin to Balagbag. Engineers didn't even snake the pavement around the slope to make it easier for trekkers. Nagtipid. Still, at least we've learned local geography, inefficient method I might add, but for first-hand knowledge enthusiasts, fine enough. We now know which road to take next time.
Land around volcano probably the crater of volcano in distant past. But pressure can't extend to that large a hole. It has to localize, centered in Calauit. Imagine, if its crater's that big. Either it would be a very powerful explosion or a spurt. Same with focus. The analogy, though, may be inaccurate. Sometimes when you're "all-around," it's useful for flexibility, non-compartmentalization and alliance work. But one takes his/her lessons at a time. Focus, and explode at volcanic levels.

Sto. Tomas - Was talking with Jenny and Gwen over dinner. Hearing Tambisan's revision of Sex Bomb Dancer's "Laban, Laban." Commented that somewhere perhaps in the late 90s, there was a transition in cultural theory that took into account the popular attraction of such phenomena. Capitalists also study what "clicks" with the masses and appropriates pop culture towards consumption. Take the example of advertising. Capitalists study what attracts tastes and profit from such research. Activists must have learned the lessons, that popular culture can be turned into progressive culture by speaking the language of the masses, not only in the activist sense of knowing their situation, but by not creating a foreign sub-culture understood only by the organized
January 20. While the EDSA II commemorations were going on in Manila, Gwen, Muriel, Giselle and I went to Batangas City to get governor's endorsement letter. Note: lion's Den delicious sandwich and salads. Tiring Day. Went to PENRO, saw inside Museo Batangas. Tourism Office. While photocopying, saw students in Lyceum and saw situation that their lives didn't seem to be touched by the happenings in EDSA. Feet wounds not yet healed.
Jan 21 - travel to Manila. Picket at DAR. Attended to some things. Mang Jimmy's with new and old SR and friends. Felt guilty eating that much greasy food. Presented at DAR.
Jan 22- Mendiola Massacre anniversary. March then presented, "namasista" in Mendiola. Saw Ronalyn of CEGP, some friends. Got last covers of Arthur Clarke's Collected Stories and Dune. Travel back to ST.
Jan 23. Went to Lipa. Didn't see Vilma.
Jan 24- Had to personally appear at ACLE. Consulted GY chair on women organizing. Attended to some things.
Jan 25-26 The ugly toad, when immersed in a pot of water, acclimatizes to its situation. When you put fire under it, and heat it very slowly, the toad will barely notice. Slowly heat it up, bubbles form, until the water boils. The toad in the end struggles, but it's too late and the toad scalds to death.
The fire is us (outside catalyst). The pot is Taal. The boiling water is the people. The toad is the ugly system.
Balete- poblacion. Got interrogated by police because I was reading the newspapers for hours at the gymnasium. Asked them who they were. Praning. Back in Konsehal Nelson Diokno's place. Touched by Konsehala's story of not being able to afford to send Nelvie to school and she has to work tomorrow.
Jan 27. Went through Palsara. Saw that many people there wouldn't make it to college. In Looc. Interview. Went through Lipa. Secretaries were all over Tyrone and his hair.