oust erap campaigns
This was for a Journalism 103 class under Sir Danilo Arao. It touched on the events leading to Edsa Dos - though of course far from comprehnsive ...
Days of Rage, Nights of Protest
After the November 14 rally, campaign centers could be seen again around the different colleges in the university calling for the resignation of President Joseph Estrada. November 28 came, and chants of "Iskolar ng Bayan, ngayon ay lumalaban!" and "Erap Resign!" could be heard. This was the culmination of preparations for three days of protest, urging Erap to "Resign or be ousted." Then the UP community proceeded on five buses to the Philippine Senate.
The UP students and some of their teachers braved the streets and it was one of UP's finest times, when it again showed its militancy and collective struggle towards a common goal. The Senate became UP's parliamentary stage to air its views on the corruption, cronyism, and other moribund policies of the Estrada government. Streamers of "UP is watching you" warned the senators to hear the people's demand to impeach Erap. There on the road faced the UP community blocked by truncheon-wielding guards and gun-toting marines, a study in contrast. A little later, a group of pro-Estrada supporters came. When the lawyers for Estrada came out of the building they were jeered by the students, calling them "Tuta!"
A small victory was won that day, with the senate junking a petition to dismiss the impeachment trial on technical grounds.
After the Senate protest, others proceeded to join PUP students who staged their own protests in Mendiola Bridge. A program was held there, then the group proceeded to Morayta road for an overnight vigil.
The next day, these students were joined by groups of workers and peasants from provinces surrounding Manila. Before arriving in Mendiola, these peasant groups were fed by Makati businessmen in what is dubbed the "People Power Lunch." Such interclass mixing is rarely seen in the Philippine social scene.
The night arrived and Mendiola was transformed into a concert scene, with different groups performing on stage. Some bands even changed the lyrics of popular jingles to tunes that signify anti-Estrada sentiments. The weary protesters stayed all night in Mendiola.
The next day was Bonifacio day, traditionally a day when workers celebrate the national hero's day by airing the Filipino workers' plight. This, the Great Plebeian's Day, was a testimony of what the enlightened masses can do, seeking the ouster of one who calls himself "for the masses." The militant groups under BAYAN or Bagong Alyansang Makabayan were joined by moderate and rightist groups like TUCP and Akbayan. Such mix of political colors is also rarely seen in the Philippine scene. The program went on into the evening. The crowd then dispersed and went slowly into the night, with spontaneous bursts of chants from small groups scattering.
To someone who had been hibernating from the Philippine political scene, the mass actions signify disillusion with the Estrada Administration. Before the expose of the jueteng payola by Ilocos Sur governor Chavit Singson, several controversies and criticisms had already rocked the Estrada Administration.
The first of these was Estrada's insistence for the remains of former dictator Ferdinand Marcos to be buried at the Libingan ng mga Bayani. This was met with massive protests. Bayani, of course, is Tagalog for hero. Several issues followed foremost of which is Estrada's support for presidential friends, a euphemism for cronies. These friends include Stanley Ho with his floating casino, Atong Ang, Lucio Tan, whom he supported in the Philippine Airlines controversy and cases of tax evasion, Danding Cojuangco, who regained position in San Miguel Corp. and dubbed the "Godfather of Land Reform." Cojuangco is one of the biggest landlords in the country. Mark Crespo (Mark Jimenez) was reported to have won P600 million in one night, more than enough to allow him to pay for his debts in the same government-owned casino he had won the money from. The Marcos family enjoyed political rehabilitation under Estrada, causing wincing from human rights victims under Martial Law.
Despite enormous resistance, Estrada's Administration passed the Visiting Forces Agreement, or VFA, which allows access to American armed forces to the entire Philippine archipelago.
Estrada also continued the previous administration's commitment to the IMF-dictated policies of liberalization, privatization, and deregulation. In order to meet the needs of globalization, Estrada pushed for charter change. The CONCORD, or Constitutional Correction for Development, would have allowed 100% foreign ownership of Philippine resources, in order to entice foreign investments.
Graft-related scandals also rocked the administration. The attempt at bribery by a presidential cousin to land a contract in the printing of schoolbooks was exposed by Budget Secretary in relation to the textbook scam. The Motorola scam, which implicated a chief Estrada campaign strategist, involved padding of government expenses in the acquisition of radio equipment. The BW Resources scandal resulted in the resignation of SEC chief Perfecto Yasay.
Estrada also intimidated the media. First to earn presidential ire was The Manila Times, which under the threat of a multi-million lawsuit was sold to an Estrada crony. The Philippine Daily Inquirer also fell from presidential grace because of its perceived anti-Estrada slant.
Under Estrada's term, the oil cartel enjoyed the privilege of hiking oil prices, with at least 23 oil price increases under a deregulated set-up, resulting in mass protests especially among transport groups. Workers have asked for as much as a P125 wage increase but only P25.50 was given by government wage boards. Despite a positive economic growth in 1999, this seemed more government pump-priming of the economy at the cost of social services and in the service of foreign and local debts. As a result of misappropriation of budget, state colleges and universities also suffered budget cuts.
This was exacerbated by the war in Mindanao, which took its toll on the national budget. Its other costs illustrate the effects of war on the ravaged civilian population caught in the crossfire between the government troops and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front. The June 2000 statistics of HALAD-West, a non-government disaster response agency showed that at least 113,706 families were displaced from the places of combat. The social cost of the war was overwhelming compared to the objective of exterminating secessionist groups. Oplan Makabayan, a counter-insurgency campaign was also implemented, resulting in massive human rights violations by the Citizens' Armed Geographical Units and the Armed Force of the Philippines, who seem determined to plumb the depths of human atrocity. Human rights groups also protested the appointments of Panfilo Lacson and Alfredo Lim, known human rights violators, into top positions.
For these reasons, several groups have been calling for Estrada's resignation. One of the biggest organizers of the protest actions, BAYAN had been calling for the ouster of the "US-Estrada Regime" since the State of the Nation Address last year.
The whole thing exploded when Chavit Singson declared Estrada "the lord of all jueteng lords."
Singson is part of Estrada's "inner circle" making his claims all the more believable. A week after, Cardinal Sin of the archdiocese of Manila, called for Estrada's resignation, as he has lost the "moral mandate" to govern and resignation "would be good for his soul."
Subsequent exposes by the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism on the Estrada mansions have also strengthened the calls for Estrada's resignation. November 13 started the impeachment trials against the president when former speaker Manuel Villar hurriedly passed the resolution to impeach Estrada to the senate. Senators are now formed into jurors for the impeachment trial which will begin on December 7.
The call for the ouster of Estrada is not without differences on how to go about it. There is a "Resign All" call for "true change"as enunciated by a Sanlakas party-list representative. When asked that he resign first, he refused. The call has been criticized as being divisive. The group espousing this call had also issued statements before to not call for Estrada's ouster as this would result only in a modification of political faces. Which also opens up the question of opportunism on the part of these groups. Another call they made was for snap elections, apparently snapped up by Senator Juan Enrile, then a known Estrada ally. This was criticized as a venue for giving a fresh mandate for Estrada as he still enjoys popular support.
There is the Estrada Resign Movement, part of the Oust Estrada campaign launched by groups such as BAYAN, Kilusang Mayo Uno, ANAKBAYAN, Gabriela, and other groups. Also for resignation are the Kongreso ng Mamamayang Pilipino, the Scientists for the Immediate Resignation of Estrada, the eLagda, and other formations.
There are those who are betting all on the impeachment process, as this was the constitutional process. Thus there is the Safeguard the Impeachment Process that was launched in Ateneo, the school where Estrada dropped-out. But as BAYAN secretary general Teodoro Casiño notes, "It is clear that President Estrada will never resign voluntarily, or allow the impeachment court in the Senate to do its job judiciously, much more to convict him. The only option available for the people is to force Estrada out of office in the fastest and most peaceful manner available." Which of course include the protest actions to show that the people have lost hope in Estrada and that the people and the economy will suffer more if he does not step down.
Whatever form the Oust Estrada campaigns take, what is important is that in the struggle to overthrow a moribund leader, people find some sense of self and empowerment in the act itself, whether successful or not. A night at the Mendiola rally, I heard what was probably the most significant thing about the protest actions. It was sung in the tune of "We will Rock You!" The lyrics were changed to "We Will Oust You!" I think that that signifies that people have realized their power to transform society. That people, from all sectors of society, from the students of the different universities, to the peasants from the ricefields, to the workers from the factories, the businessmen from Ayala, women, children, and old people, to have seen them in one place to unite for a common cause, speaks much more for the future of our country than any gambling, womanizing, warfreak, action star in a penguin suit can ever hope to waste. The call for the ouster of Estrada can only be good for our salvation.
References
"Anti-Estrada protests mark Bonifacio Day," Philippine Daily Inquirer, December 1, 2000
National Guilder, Special Issue, November 2000
Philippine Alliance of Human Rights Advocates, Human Rights at the Close of the 20th Century, July 2000
Days of Rage, Nights of Protest
After the November 14 rally, campaign centers could be seen again around the different colleges in the university calling for the resignation of President Joseph Estrada. November 28 came, and chants of "Iskolar ng Bayan, ngayon ay lumalaban!" and "Erap Resign!" could be heard. This was the culmination of preparations for three days of protest, urging Erap to "Resign or be ousted." Then the UP community proceeded on five buses to the Philippine Senate.
The UP students and some of their teachers braved the streets and it was one of UP's finest times, when it again showed its militancy and collective struggle towards a common goal. The Senate became UP's parliamentary stage to air its views on the corruption, cronyism, and other moribund policies of the Estrada government. Streamers of "UP is watching you" warned the senators to hear the people's demand to impeach Erap. There on the road faced the UP community blocked by truncheon-wielding guards and gun-toting marines, a study in contrast. A little later, a group of pro-Estrada supporters came. When the lawyers for Estrada came out of the building they were jeered by the students, calling them "Tuta!"
A small victory was won that day, with the senate junking a petition to dismiss the impeachment trial on technical grounds.
After the Senate protest, others proceeded to join PUP students who staged their own protests in Mendiola Bridge. A program was held there, then the group proceeded to Morayta road for an overnight vigil.
The next day, these students were joined by groups of workers and peasants from provinces surrounding Manila. Before arriving in Mendiola, these peasant groups were fed by Makati businessmen in what is dubbed the "People Power Lunch." Such interclass mixing is rarely seen in the Philippine social scene.
The night arrived and Mendiola was transformed into a concert scene, with different groups performing on stage. Some bands even changed the lyrics of popular jingles to tunes that signify anti-Estrada sentiments. The weary protesters stayed all night in Mendiola.
The next day was Bonifacio day, traditionally a day when workers celebrate the national hero's day by airing the Filipino workers' plight. This, the Great Plebeian's Day, was a testimony of what the enlightened masses can do, seeking the ouster of one who calls himself "for the masses." The militant groups under BAYAN or Bagong Alyansang Makabayan were joined by moderate and rightist groups like TUCP and Akbayan. Such mix of political colors is also rarely seen in the Philippine scene. The program went on into the evening. The crowd then dispersed and went slowly into the night, with spontaneous bursts of chants from small groups scattering.
To someone who had been hibernating from the Philippine political scene, the mass actions signify disillusion with the Estrada Administration. Before the expose of the jueteng payola by Ilocos Sur governor Chavit Singson, several controversies and criticisms had already rocked the Estrada Administration.
The first of these was Estrada's insistence for the remains of former dictator Ferdinand Marcos to be buried at the Libingan ng mga Bayani. This was met with massive protests. Bayani, of course, is Tagalog for hero. Several issues followed foremost of which is Estrada's support for presidential friends, a euphemism for cronies. These friends include Stanley Ho with his floating casino, Atong Ang, Lucio Tan, whom he supported in the Philippine Airlines controversy and cases of tax evasion, Danding Cojuangco, who regained position in San Miguel Corp. and dubbed the "Godfather of Land Reform." Cojuangco is one of the biggest landlords in the country. Mark Crespo (Mark Jimenez) was reported to have won P600 million in one night, more than enough to allow him to pay for his debts in the same government-owned casino he had won the money from. The Marcos family enjoyed political rehabilitation under Estrada, causing wincing from human rights victims under Martial Law.
Despite enormous resistance, Estrada's Administration passed the Visiting Forces Agreement, or VFA, which allows access to American armed forces to the entire Philippine archipelago.
Estrada also continued the previous administration's commitment to the IMF-dictated policies of liberalization, privatization, and deregulation. In order to meet the needs of globalization, Estrada pushed for charter change. The CONCORD, or Constitutional Correction for Development, would have allowed 100% foreign ownership of Philippine resources, in order to entice foreign investments.
Graft-related scandals also rocked the administration. The attempt at bribery by a presidential cousin to land a contract in the printing of schoolbooks was exposed by Budget Secretary in relation to the textbook scam. The Motorola scam, which implicated a chief Estrada campaign strategist, involved padding of government expenses in the acquisition of radio equipment. The BW Resources scandal resulted in the resignation of SEC chief Perfecto Yasay.
Estrada also intimidated the media. First to earn presidential ire was The Manila Times, which under the threat of a multi-million lawsuit was sold to an Estrada crony. The Philippine Daily Inquirer also fell from presidential grace because of its perceived anti-Estrada slant.
Under Estrada's term, the oil cartel enjoyed the privilege of hiking oil prices, with at least 23 oil price increases under a deregulated set-up, resulting in mass protests especially among transport groups. Workers have asked for as much as a P125 wage increase but only P25.50 was given by government wage boards. Despite a positive economic growth in 1999, this seemed more government pump-priming of the economy at the cost of social services and in the service of foreign and local debts. As a result of misappropriation of budget, state colleges and universities also suffered budget cuts.
This was exacerbated by the war in Mindanao, which took its toll on the national budget. Its other costs illustrate the effects of war on the ravaged civilian population caught in the crossfire between the government troops and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front. The June 2000 statistics of HALAD-West, a non-government disaster response agency showed that at least 113,706 families were displaced from the places of combat. The social cost of the war was overwhelming compared to the objective of exterminating secessionist groups. Oplan Makabayan, a counter-insurgency campaign was also implemented, resulting in massive human rights violations by the Citizens' Armed Geographical Units and the Armed Force of the Philippines, who seem determined to plumb the depths of human atrocity. Human rights groups also protested the appointments of Panfilo Lacson and Alfredo Lim, known human rights violators, into top positions.
For these reasons, several groups have been calling for Estrada's resignation. One of the biggest organizers of the protest actions, BAYAN had been calling for the ouster of the "US-Estrada Regime" since the State of the Nation Address last year.
The whole thing exploded when Chavit Singson declared Estrada "the lord of all jueteng lords."
Singson is part of Estrada's "inner circle" making his claims all the more believable. A week after, Cardinal Sin of the archdiocese of Manila, called for Estrada's resignation, as he has lost the "moral mandate" to govern and resignation "would be good for his soul."
Subsequent exposes by the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism on the Estrada mansions have also strengthened the calls for Estrada's resignation. November 13 started the impeachment trials against the president when former speaker Manuel Villar hurriedly passed the resolution to impeach Estrada to the senate. Senators are now formed into jurors for the impeachment trial which will begin on December 7.
The call for the ouster of Estrada is not without differences on how to go about it. There is a "Resign All" call for "true change"as enunciated by a Sanlakas party-list representative. When asked that he resign first, he refused. The call has been criticized as being divisive. The group espousing this call had also issued statements before to not call for Estrada's ouster as this would result only in a modification of political faces. Which also opens up the question of opportunism on the part of these groups. Another call they made was for snap elections, apparently snapped up by Senator Juan Enrile, then a known Estrada ally. This was criticized as a venue for giving a fresh mandate for Estrada as he still enjoys popular support.
There is the Estrada Resign Movement, part of the Oust Estrada campaign launched by groups such as BAYAN, Kilusang Mayo Uno, ANAKBAYAN, Gabriela, and other groups. Also for resignation are the Kongreso ng Mamamayang Pilipino, the Scientists for the Immediate Resignation of Estrada, the eLagda, and other formations.
There are those who are betting all on the impeachment process, as this was the constitutional process. Thus there is the Safeguard the Impeachment Process that was launched in Ateneo, the school where Estrada dropped-out. But as BAYAN secretary general Teodoro Casiño notes, "It is clear that President Estrada will never resign voluntarily, or allow the impeachment court in the Senate to do its job judiciously, much more to convict him. The only option available for the people is to force Estrada out of office in the fastest and most peaceful manner available." Which of course include the protest actions to show that the people have lost hope in Estrada and that the people and the economy will suffer more if he does not step down.
Whatever form the Oust Estrada campaigns take, what is important is that in the struggle to overthrow a moribund leader, people find some sense of self and empowerment in the act itself, whether successful or not. A night at the Mendiola rally, I heard what was probably the most significant thing about the protest actions. It was sung in the tune of "We will Rock You!" The lyrics were changed to "We Will Oust You!" I think that that signifies that people have realized their power to transform society. That people, from all sectors of society, from the students of the different universities, to the peasants from the ricefields, to the workers from the factories, the businessmen from Ayala, women, children, and old people, to have seen them in one place to unite for a common cause, speaks much more for the future of our country than any gambling, womanizing, warfreak, action star in a penguin suit can ever hope to waste. The call for the ouster of Estrada can only be good for our salvation.
References
"Anti-Estrada protests mark Bonifacio Day," Philippine Daily Inquirer, December 1, 2000
National Guilder, Special Issue, November 2000
Philippine Alliance of Human Rights Advocates, Human Rights at the Close of the 20th Century, July 2000
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